Although the circumstances are not clear, it appears that Lord Ducie only gained full control of his estates towards the end of 1824 and immediately stringent controls were placed on the administration of all his estates, now that he himself was able to act independently. Some relatives appear to have acted as trustees which hamstrung development because of the delays it entailed. A new chief steward, John Morton, had been appointed in 1814, and had worked closely with the young Lord Ducie in helping to manage all the family estates. Now a new agent was appointed in Manchester, one Robert Hedderwick, a native of Fife and kinsman of John Morton. New brooms sweep clean, and when Robert Hedderwick assumed the agency of Lord Ducie's Manchester estates at Christmas, 1823, he made it quite clear in his very first letters to Lord Ducie that he intended to conduct it in a thoroughly businesslike manner, writing fortnightly to keep him fully informed; indeed, it is Robert Hedderwick's papers which form the bulk of the 19th century portion of the Ducie Muniments, and it is to be regretted only that his private papers have not survived to give us a clearer insight into his private life.

One of the first problems inherited by Hedderwick was the Caleb Lea affair. Lea's lease had only been signed on the last day of Johnson's agency, for whom Lea had done a great deal of carting. Unfortunately Lea at first wanted to build a public house, and later cottages, both of which inspired horror in Lord Ducie, who considered that those would detract from his new suburb. Coupled with this was his claim that he had not received full payment for the work he had done for Johnson; altogether he was extremely unpopular.

Hedderwick made several suggestions for the improvement of Strangeways, such as the proposal to widen Johnson Street from three to five yards to improve its appearance from New Bridge Street. (43) Clauses were also included in leases to forbid the construction of cottages. Indeed, it is quite clear the contrast in attitude between the two agents, for Hedderwick made stipulations even on minor matters, regulating structural details of the houses, above all their frontages. As can be seen from the table on page 25, there was a distinct difference in frontage between houses on major streets and those on less important streets out of the public view. There were a great many sales too just after Robert Hedderwick became agent, which certainly assisted him in building up his reputation as a newcomer to Manchester, and as a new employee of Lord Ducie. Indeed, the increased number of sales led to a decision by John Morton to "get a lease printed so as to save the expense to purchasers." (44) This decision led to a complete rethinking of policy on sales as a result of a letter from Lord Ducie's lawyer, namely:

Plot No Frontage 1st storey 2nd storey Street

11 7 yards 10 feet 9 feet York

15 11 9.5 9 ditto

45 6 10 9 Moreton

50 7 10 9 Great Ducie

73 7 10 9 ditto

76 6 10 9 Moreton

77 6 10 9 Julia

79 4.5 Berkeley

98 7 10 9 Great Ducie

(45) Map 5

"The following considerations are with deference submitted to Lord Ducie and his local agents at Manchester with a view to promote the progress of building on his Lordship's land there. Having been desired by his Lordship to consider the form of a lease to be printed for general adoption as a building lease, the present seems a fit opportunity for reconsidering a point which appears to be of importance viz, whether these grants should be for a term of 99 years, or perpetual grants on fee farm rents." (46)

Mr Tennant then lists eight points for consideration, and each of these points is further commented upon for Robert Hedderwick by John Morton. Tennant's first point was that "My own observations and the opinions of others conversant in the habits and practices of Manchester have inclined me to prefer the perpetual grant as more favourable to improvement than any term of years however long." John Morton's comment is in contrast to Tennant's circumlocutions, trenchant and to the point.

"I have not the least doubt but the granting of perpetual leases ... would not only be preferred by purchasers but nothing could tend more to encourage building in Lord Ducie's estate in Manchester and Strangeways, his Lordship being the only landlord in Manchester who grants leases for a term of 99 years, all others give perpetual leases on fee farm rent or sell the fee."

Tennant's observation, that "The present state of the money market is highly favourable to the progress of covering building ground in such a place as Manchester" explains the upsurge in interest shown in land at that time, and the increased number of offers made. Another observation, that "It has been found inconvenient in London to grant the land until after the buildings have been erected" did not receive John Morton's approbation.

"Years ago I thought this would be a good plan, but when I examined into the cause of the houses in Bath and Bristol remaining for twenty or thirty years in an unfinished state I was informed that the proprietor entered into an engagement to give a lease after the house was completed, and that builders borrow money on the house as soon as he got it up near the roof and generally got more money on them than he had expected he left the contract in the hands of the leaser and also left the houses as they now stand the lender not choosing to finish it ...

Tennant's other proposals included a chapel of ease, with assistance under the Million Act and a local Act of Parliament for paving, lighting and cleaning the Strangeways estates. At the time only New Bridge Street and Great Ducie Street were lighted by gaslight by subscription amongst the inhabitants, Lord Ducie also subscribing.

For over a year Hedderwick was becoming established, and familiarizing himself with the estate, its inhabitants and its many peculiarities. Early in the following year plans began to materialise for the erection of his house at the head of Park Place, a the centre of Strangeways Park below the pond, he living in rented accommodation at the time. Alterations were made in the plan at the same time; in a letter John Morton wrote, "With regard to your house it is at last settled as you wish and I have sent a plan showing where it is to be placed. The nameless street is to be moved near to Carnarvon Street and at right angles to York Road, and to cross Augustus Street, and your house is to be placed so as to be seen from York Road, at the bottom of this street." (47) This was near a building known as the Octagon, though John Morton Commented "I do not think it will do joined to the Octagon, do you? (48) In May Lord Ducie recommended that Hedderwick advertize for a contract to build the house, but when an estimate was received from John Duckett for £902.1.1 1/2 Ducie thought it "a great deal too much" and requested separate estimates adding "I have no doubt but you will save at least £100 with using all the old brick etc. you can get in Tipping's Court." John Morton told Hedderwick "I shall write Lord Ducie that building in Manchester or any great town where bricks are used cannot be done for as little money as in Gloucestershire, where the stone and work can be done for 2/- per 16 1/2 feet long by one foot high - you will not get so much done for less than 12/- or 16/-." (49) (50) Work must have proceeded fairly quickly after this, for by June, 1825, Robert Hedderwick was installed in his new house. (51)

This episode illustrates clearly the interest shewn by Lord Ducie even for the minutiae of estate management. His agent was treated as just such: all decisions, even on quite minor issues, had to be referred to Lord Ducie himself. Each year he would move northwards, sometimes as far as Manchester itself, or as far as the spa at Buxton, whither Hedderwick would travel to give a full account of the previous year while his employer sought relief from the gout which plagued him. He sponsored Bills concerning his estate, gave his support to parliamentary candidates - a brief mandate would be sent to Hedderwick - in the Manchester and Lancashire elections, sponsored bridges, roads and, later, railways, in fact, did anything he could to further the development of his estate. He had naturally an interest in his estate, especially as he was anxious to pay off the charge on the estate that he had inherited, but it still remains true to say that he inherited the business acumen of his grandfather. He was, nevertheless, somewhat reactionary in his ideas: even though in 1824 he agreed to change the leases from 99 years, it was to leases of 999 years, Lord Ducie appearing to have had an irrational opposition to the outright alienation of his land. He even refused to sell land for a chapel as he would not be able to bind it in perpetuity to be used for religious purposes. Lord Ducie wanted to eat his cake.

Robert Hedderwick was, in Lord Ducie's eyes, a successful agent, and the improvements made during his lifetime would appear to bear out his judgement. John Morton came to Strangeways and stayed at Robert Hedderwick's house soon after he had removed there, and Hedderwick wrote in his letter to Lord Ducie that:

"During Mr Morton's stay here, I shewed him what Improvements had been made upon this property since I took the charge of it, and likewise those which I proposed making, all of which he approved of." (52)

Having reported back to the Ducies at their seat in Gloucestershire, John Morton was able to write back to Robert Hedderwick that:

"... they said you are zealous and seem to enter heart and soul into the business ... from what they said I could easily perceive that they were not only highly pleased with every part of your management but had the utmost confidence in you." (53)

Indeed, they thought so highly of him that they requested that he should stand for the surveyorship of the proposed new road to Bury, which post he in fact received. As early as 1824 John Morton had written to him " ... the size you are breaking the stones is just the thing as it is Lord Ducie's wish that you should make a good road at once ... besides it will be to your advantage to show the Manchester folk how to make good roads." (54)

The construction of the new Bury road figures large in the correspondence of this period; discussions were already in progress to "convert the Strangeways road into a turnpike" when Robert Hedderwick became agent. Hedderwick recommended that "no good would ensue if the improvement did not begin at the top of Hunts Bank." (55) Negotiations continued over the next two years, mainly on a single point, till Robert Hedderwick was able to write

"Mr Twyford has this day agreed, that should the purposed turnpike road through Strangeways take place, for the turnpike gate to be placed out of Strangeways; this I consider to be a very important point as it will give the land in Strangeways a great advantage over Mr Clowes' land." (56)

Rivalry with the Rev. John Clowes was clearly high, especially since he had proposed a new road through his own property as long ago as 1816. (57) The following month, however, the scheme moved forward with the first public meeting, the one concerning which Lord Ducie wrote to Hedderwick: " ... I wish you to attend the meeting of gentlemen for the new road through Strangeways to Bury and put my name down for two thousand pounds. It would be a good thing if you could be made manager of the new road." (58)

Robert Hedderwick was appointed manager, and work then proceeded in obtaining parliamentary sanction for the turnpike. One Charles Barrett wrote to Hedderwick in February 1826,

"The petition for our Turnpike Bill was presented to the house by Mr Blackburn last Tuesday and yesterday I went through the committee of standing orders. The Bill is now printing, and I shall see Lord Shaftesbury upon it in a few days. I have some hopes of getting him to consent to the protecting clause in favour of Lord Ducie's road... that no toll bar shall be erected in Strangeways without the consent of Lord Ducie or the person entitled to the freehold inheritance, by which we should have it in our power to place it in such a situation as would prevent Mr Taylor's property getting clear of it." (59)

Private interests were always fought for before the public interest was ever considered, and the problem of siting the toll bar brought this out clearly. Lord Ducie wrote to Hedderwick in March

"I have received a letter from Mr Clowes and one from Mr Barrett concerning the removal of the toll bar. I have written to Mr Clowes to say I must decidedly object to the spot they propose. It has occurred to me since I wrote to him that the object might be obtained by putting a toll bar on the Broughton road itself, which would take all travellers from Broughton, Pendleton etc. and answer the purpose without doing anything unfair to myself or tenants." (60)

Work started on the new road in the autumn, "giving relief to those that are in want of work." (61) and proceeded well for two years, when the economic situation necessitated a temporary halt to the construction of the road. Work was resumed in December 1829 but by then a new threat had appeared as Lord Ducie wrote to Hedderwick "I hope no rail road will be started in opposition to it." (62) In addition the problem of the toll bar continued, culminating in a petition to Lord Ducie from some of his tenants, claiming that as the original Act had provided for a toll at the boundary of Cheetham and Broughton townships, "considerable purchases of land have been made in the faith that the aforesaid arrangement would have been adhered to." (63) The decision had in fact been made that the toll bar "be fixed adjoining (but on the further side of) the gate leading to Lord Ducie's Print Works occupied by Mrs Lomas." This was the decision of the committee, though obviously not of Robert Hedderwick, who added "I never was an advocate for allowing the Bar to be placed in Strangeways, the effects of which will be seen on our building land." (64) (65)

Assiduous as he was in the pursuit of his duties, Robert Hedderwick's enthusiasm also made him at times unpopular, especially as he only considered Lord Ducie's interest, never that of the tenants. He never hesitated to serve notices to quit on tenants who were tardy with their biannual payments, no matter what the circumstances. Ill feelings came to a head at a meeting of the New Bury Road Trust in March, 1827, when John Greenwood, one of the tenants, interrupted to declare openly that

"You had been the means of raising and had at this moment at least twenty actions with Lord Ducie's tenants; that you were the worst agent Lord Ducie had ever had; and that Lord Ducie was losing £1,000 per annum by retaining you as agent." (66)

Robert Hedderwick had written about this not only to lawyer Tennant, but also to his friend, colleague and relation John Morton who, sensing how deeply hurt and offended Robert Hedderwick felt as a result of this public accusation replied,

"I have just received yours of the 14th inst. and I am very much astonished at the account you have given of John Greenwood's conduct toward you ... with regard to the statements made by Greenwood which you mention I can say from my knowledge of all your transactions on Lord Ducie's account that instead of it being a loss to Lord Ducie of £1,000 a year, I feel assured that ever since you became his lordship's agent in Manchester it has been a gain of at least £l,000 a year to his lordship; and as to you having raised twenty actions against Lord Ducie's tenants, I am not aware of one, for although I have several times by Lord Ducie's desire requested you to institute an action against a person of the name of Greenwood for the payment of rent due, yet you in your prudence always put it off, thinking it might be settled without putting him to the expense." (67) It is clear that a clash of personalities as to blame for this distressing conflict but there seems to be a germ of truth in Greenwood's allegation - Hedderwick was certainly the worst possible agent for lax tenants to have to deal with, and a plethora of notices to quit issued regularly from Park Place.

Development of the estate after the change in policy in 1824 continued with an initial upsurge of interest which rapidly died away, only one sale being made in the whole of 1825 . Most purchasers took the 999 year lease, and set to building. Some were themselves builders or stonemasons, others purchased as an investment, like Canon Wray. Building was piecemeal, as might be inferred not only from the maps but from the statement made by William Evans, "I shall likewise build one house immediately and one more each year until the land is all built upon." Evans also received special permission "to carry on his business as a stonemason and to have a stone yard into Berkeley Street which I think would be no inconvenience to the inhabitants. Should your lordship accept of his offer he wishes to commence building next week." (68) It was at this time that Hedderwick made the suggestion that particular bricks be specified in the leases, which received the support of John Morton.

"I think it highly proper in Ducie Street, Bridge Street, York Street, Dutton Street, Carnarvon Street, Agent Street and in all the principal streets above as I fully expect that all the high ground will in time be occupied by most respectable people. (69)

Another suggestion was also approved "I think it would be an excellent plan to have a butcher's house, shop and stable, but where is the situation most eligible for it? It would let well, this, or rather a market is what I was for years ago, but it never was put in execution." (70)

The year 1826 saw a further decline in sales, in fact no sales were made in that year, but this was a reflection of economic conditions in the country as a whole, and all

Sales by Robert Hedderwick, 1824-1826

Lessee Date of lease Term Area (square yards)

Henry Ripley 24.6.1824 999 1041

John Dickett 936

Edward Merryweather 1367

James Murray 946

ditto 1474

Thomas Shaw 396

Thomas Walker 396

John Pilling 392

Edward Chew 1179

Joseph Smith -

Rev. C. D. Wray 1570

James Adkin 583

John Heaton 1082

Henry Powell 1360

ditto 506

Edward Redfern 783

John Rowcroft 443

Thomas Woodward 726

Joseph Shaw 1003

ditto 504

John Duckett 29.9.1824 99 484

ditto ditto ditto ditto

Joseph Lodge 30.11.1824 ditto 2650

William Evans 10.12.1824 ditto 348

Extracted from J. R. P9

development fell into abeyance. John Morton wrote to Robert Hedderwick

"What a distressed state the country is in at the present time, I do not expect you will be able to make any sales this year, all speculations are at an end for the present. Lord Ducie desires me to say to you that he wishes you to discontinue all expenses, either in the way of improvements preparing streets, or even finishing streets that are already begun." (71)

Conditions were so bad that Lord Ducie sent fifty pounds for the relief of the poor of Manchester, and the Strangeways Charity for the apprenticing of boys was revived, there being an accumulation of money. (72)

There was always dissension in Strangeways between the two interests, residential on the one hand, and of industry and commerce on the other. Nuisance was continually caused by the existing factories, and by others erected in contravention of the terms of the leases. Messrs Coates were a major source of complaints; Robert Hedderwick wrote to them in 1825 that "it is in contemplation by the inhabitants of Strangeways to raise an action against you, to compel the burning of smoke upon the most improved principle." (73) A similar notice was served on the proprietors of Hole and Potter's Brewery.

Four years later William Nightingale wrote to Robert Hedderwick to complain against Coates saying "I consider myself very ill used by Messrs Coates and Co. throwing down their ashes and other rubbish and filth in the street opposite the end of my house in Briddon Street ... the work people of Messrs Coates and Co. are in other respects very annoying, particularly the lads and lasses by their uproarious conduct and the very great noises they make in the neighbourhood." (74) Another nuisance was the practice of burning bricks, the raw material of Manchester's physical expansion, on the "brickfields which began at Elizabeth Street and spread their unlovely lengths down towards Strangeways, eating up Cheetwood, which gradually disappeared." (75) By the time Map 6 was printed the whole of Strangeways Park was covered with brickfields, leased from year to year so that it could be recovered for building purposes at any time.

Shops were always strictly controlled in Strangeways during this period, there presence being considered a nuisance and undesirable in a residential area, but breaches of the covenant frequently occurred and had to be suppressed. Lord Ducie's butcher shop had existed from early days, and had been rebuilt in 1825, but in 1827 Robert Hedderwick wrote to one of the tenants, Robert Pritchard, "On Saturday last I observed on the land leased to you by Lord Ducie a Butcher's Stall; when I questioned the owner of it whether or not you had authorized him to sell butcher meat there I did not get a satisfactory answer." (76)

In 1832 Robert Hedderwick took stern action against Pritchard: "Concerning that the alterations you are about making in your dwelling houses in Great Ducie Street are for the purpose of letting them as shops, I have this day given His Lordship's solicitor instruction to commence an action against you." (77) The battle was already lost, however, and despite Hedderwick's attempts the number of shops increased, so that when James Burton wrote to Lord Ducie requesting permission to build a cabinet maker's shop, he added, "I beg further to observe that there are no less than nine other shops and two public houses in the same street." (78) Great Ducie Street was by its very design and situation eminently suitable for development with shops, and the attempt to ban them failed from the beginning.

The first people to apply for land in Strangeways for religious purposes were in fact the Roman Catholics, and initial negotiations with Lord Ducie were encouraging. They intended to build on a plot bounded by Great Ducie Street and New Bridge Street, a prominent situation. John Morton commented that

"Lord Ducie has liberal principles with regard to all religions, and has always voted for the Catholic emancipation, and would not object to a chapel for them, only you must be careful if you should let them any ground for that purpose to enforce them to make the chapel front so as to make it an improvement to the neighbourhood, and that they should build a wall so high as not to let the burial ground be seen from the street." (79)

It is surprizing that Lord Ducie was even able to contemplate a burial ground, even to the degree that "Augustus Street may be done away with and the burying ground may go back to the reservoir." (80) However, the plan proved abortive, and it was not till 1844 that a fresh attempt was made by the Rev. John Worthy, who was told that "the style and appearance of a church or chapel on the land in York Street will so completely rule the Earl of Ducie's decision" but by now it was deemed that "burial vaults under the church would be objectionable." (81) A new agent and a new Lord Ducie naturally had different opinions to those of their predecessors, opinions that were strengthened, so that the new agent wrote to Mr Worthy

"I find the neighbourhood is in arms against a Catholic church being built on the ground in front of my house and I have been informed that a remonstrance will be immediately handed to me for forwarding to his lordship." (82)

It is interesting to note from this episode that the opposition was not on religious grounds but for social reasons:

"It appears that the crowds of wretchedly poor people hanging about the streets during their festival days and almost every morning at prayers form the greatest objection." (83)

Unlike the Roman Catholics, the Unitarians of Manchester had always been associated with quite the opposite end of the social spectrum. The chapel had its origins in a congregation of Unitarians who began work in 1820 in Greengate, Salford, on the opposite bank to Strangeways. That chapel was opened on Christmas day, 1824, but in a few year it was decided to seek a better situation. Led by Thomas Potter, wealthy owner of Strangeways Brewery, and Richard Wilson, father of the more famous George Wilson, Chairman of the Anti-Corn Law League, who both lived in Strangeways, the choice of a site in Strangeways causes no surprise. First enquiries were made by George Heywood, member of another prominent Manchester Unitarian family, who wrote to Robert Hedderwick in August, 1835, enquiring "for the information of the chapel trustees if the land in Bridge Street Strangeways is offered on a perpetual lease or for a term ... and further would not the owner of pews be free of toll to Salford?" (84)

Five days later Heywood sent a note to Hedderwick saying "I have called at the request of the Trustees of the Greengate Chapel to say that they take the land in Bridge Street adjoining Mr Ashton's buildings." (85) Arrangements then commenced for the new chapel, but one or two legal minutiae caused delays. Lord Ducie wrote to Hedderwick in August 1836

"With respect to the Unitarians and their chapel the conversation I had with Mr Philips was that I would make it freehold provided it was never to be used for any other purpose than for a chapel. I since find that cannot be legally done as once made freehold no law can bind in futurity." (86)

The problem was smoothed over, and on October 26th, 1836, Mr Robert Philips of the Park, Prestwich, laid the corner stone. (87) Dissensions now broke out, one section of the congregation electing to remain in Greengate with Mr Beard, the then minister, while the other section migrated to Strangeways. In September, 1837, the Strangeways Chapel Committee met to appoint members, now led by Thomas Potter and Richard Wilson who, in consequence of the division had written to Hedderwick requesting him to "please get the lease of the land for the chapel in Strangeways prepared and ready for execution as early as possible and in our names only." (88) Now that the chapel was a-building, it was imperative to find a minister for the opening of the chapel, if not before. (89) In December the decision was taken to open the Sunday School as soon as would be practicable, after it had been painted and furnished. Potter appears to have been a progressive educationalist: he was responsible for the formation of the Girls' Day and Infant Schools in Strangeways in 1832, the infant school being for children aged two to seven. (90)

Financial problems beset the early days of the chapel, and steps were taken in the same December to borrow money for the completion of the chapel, but this at first failed. The heating apparatus was found to be defective in the chapel, and especially in the school room. Attempts to find a minister failed; not till January 1839 was a minister found who was willing to take the post, and by then the committee was almost in despair. Plans had gone ahead during 1838 for the opening of the chapel, the various fittings having been purchased in May. Arrangements were made for "colouring the outside of the chapel and painting the rails" (91) and for the advertising of the opening, it being decided that

"two hundred posting bills and seven hundred circulars of the opening of the chapel be printed, and that the opening be advertized in the Guardian of Wednesday next and the following Saturday, and in the Times and Advertizer of the 9th of June." (92)

The opening sermon was preached by the rev. George Harris of Glasgow on June 17th, 1838, two other persons at least having declined the invitation. £103.13.0 was collected at the service, which no doubt inspired sufficient confidence for the £1,000 loan that was made a week later. In September a flagon and chalice were purchased, and the decision was taken that "the sacrament of the Lord's Supper should be administered the first Sunday in every alternate month." (93)

The cost of building the chapel was considerable, and as it was only half paid for it remained a considerable burden on the congregation. The bill for carpenters' and joiners' work formed by far the largest single item, at £1,435.13.6, and it is interesting to note the many smaller bills. Financing the chapel was a great headache, especially after the division of the congregation, and in May, 1840, an attempt was made to secure a further £500 loan. In October the minister, the rev. William Mountford, intimated his concern about "the difficulties pervading the chapel affairs" and this was followed closely by a letter on February 15th announcing his resignation. (94) At a special meeting held four days later Mr Mountford recommended the Rev. George Harris as a successor, and Potter, by now Sir Thomas Potter, wrote to him, but met with a polite refusal; nobody wished to accept the responsibility of a chapel that appeared to be floundering. He continued to write to various people who all courteously declined, and in the meantime the chapel was served by various preachers who came on invitation, including the famous William Gaskell of the Cross Street Chapel, Manchester. Dr Gordon, one of the people invited, replied, "I take a deep interest in the success of your new congregation, embracing, as I know it does, some of the best friends of civil and religious liberty." (95) At a meeting held on September 28th there was the equivalent of a vote of confidence: "It was resolved unanimously ... that further efforts should be made to carry on the chapel." At a special meeting the following month a presentation was made to Mr Mountford of "a very elegant and

Building Account for Strangeways Unitarian Chapel, 1839

Debit

Labourers' wages 2 7 11

Brickwork 612 1 0

Masonry and excavating 464 13 6

Carpenter and joiners' work 1435 13 6

Plasterer and painter 354 1 6

Plumber and glazier 176 6 6

Slaters' work 83 1 0

Palisades 80 0 0

Pulpit, cabinet and upholsterers' work 117 10 6

Gas fittings 78 0 0

Heating apparatus 35 0 0

Insurance 7 8 0

Clerk of Works 40 0 0

Expenses of laying corner stone 16 14 0

Law expenses, lease and mortgage deed 74 1 0

Expenses connected with sale of Greengate 31 11 0

chapel

Ditto Strangeways chapel estate 44 9 0

Chief Rent to time of opening 62 1 8

Removing, altering and fixing organ 10 6 6

Water rent 17 6

Ironmonger's bill 18 11 0

Doormats and matting 8 16 6

Front lamp frames etc. 9 12 6

Coals 9 9 10

Gas Rent 1 17 2

Cleaning before opening 2 7 1

Printing and Stationery 14 12 6

Candle lamps 1 7 6

John Langley for attendance 3 10 0

Mrs Scofield 7 0 0

Expenses of preaching at opening of chapel 14 14 6

Sundries 2 6 0

Balance of interest 55 0 4

Pulpit cushion, tassels etc. 2 18 4

Engraving labels 1 4 0

£3879 1 4

Credit

Subscriptions 1151 13 4

Trustees of Greengate Chapel 987 5 0

Amount from Bazaar Fund for various items 110 14 0

in fitting up schools

Collected at opening of chapel 103 13 0

Loan 1000 0 0

Balance 525 16 0

£3879 1 4

massive silver inkstand with taper stand etc. value £17.17.0 leaving a balance of £60 in sovereigns for presentation in a purse." (97) Hope appeared by then to be dwindling for the continuance of the chapel, at a meeting on 11th November 1841

"It appearing that the expenses of carrying on the chapel would be so great that the necessary revenue to meet it could not be raised Mr Charlton suggested that an offer should be made to the Greengate congregation to take the chapel estate at £l,870, they returning to the Strangeways congregation the £300 which they had lately paid to them, and if they declined to take it, to sell it." (98)

The organist resigned his post, the chapel was closed for divine service, and a last effort was made to keep the infants' and girls' day schools open for four months further. By April only the infant school could be kept open, and at an extraordinary general meeting on July 31st the dissolution of the Unitarian Chapel was ratified and confirmed. (99)

This was, however, not the end of the congregation, for having eaten humble pie they found it expedient to make up their differences with the Greengate Chapel and were henceforth united. Dr Beard became pastor of the united congregations and his chapel in Greengate was finally closed, he remaining as minister at Strangeway till he retired in 1864. The chapel flourished for many years, drawing its congregation not only from Strangeways but from many miles around.

Seventy-nine years after their last attempt, members of the Hartley family resumed their claim to the Strangeways estate with the unexpected publication of a poster by a Joseph Hartley in September, 1829. (100) Progress was very slow, and it was not till 1835 that the case began to draw any attention, and Robert Hedderwick had been given the task of attending to the impending trial, as it was described. A person named Cuthbert who claimed to possess evidence vital to the Hartley's case, offered it to Lord Ducie, expecting a financial reward. He wrote to Lord Ducie:

"Since that part of the Hartley family who are now coming forward have obtained the patronage of a few wealthy men, together with other marks of independent support, they entirely rejected all the female descent as claimants, and by this means they were only desirous of possessing themselves of all that I had, as they knew that no pedigree could be produced supported by Church register (as by Court required) except I gave up what I now hold." (101)

Hedderwick visited Cuthbert, whose material was peremptorily rejected, much to his humiliation. Lord Ducie apparently had no fear of losing his estate to an upstart. A Mrs Hewitt was the chief witness to break the peaceable possession of sixty years, and an action by writ of right was to be resorted to, an action in which the Hartleys felt "confident of a partial success." (102)

Declarations of Ejectment were served on Lord Ducie's tenants in November 1836, and caused something of a flurry amongst the inhabitants, but the case did not come to court until the Spring Of 1847, when Lord Ducie's lawyer wrote to Hedderwick that "Hartley's bill was laughed out of court, but he will begin again." (103)

Robert Hedderwick was an important influence in the development of Strangeways, for his power was sufficient to completely alter the course of its growth. He was a model agent, devoting himself to his work, but the unhealthy atmosphere of Manchester took it toll of his health, and already in 1833 there were signs of his fatal illness when John Morton wrote to him "I am sorry to hear that you have not got quit of the pain in your side; you must take great care of yourself and try to get quit of this as soon as you can. (104) It was probably because of this that in March he had desire to relinquish the management of the New Bury Road, but this had been opposed by Lord Ducie, with an eye to his financial returns.

Despite his illness Hedderwick continued to work satisfactorily, so that when the Christmas rental was shown to Lord Ducie at the beginning of 1834, John Morton was able to report that Lord Ducie "... is very much pleased with them; I never saw him better satisfied at anything than he is at the state of the property under your guidance." (105) But Hedderwick's health continued to deteriorate, so much so that by the following winter he had to take to his bed, and John Morton wrote to him in February "I hope you have got quite strong and able to get out"

The half-yearly accounts for 1835 again elicited admiration and contentment from Lord Ducie, and John Morton reported once again that

"they are very satisfactory and I have no doubt that under your management a fulfilment of my prediction will take place, that the rental of the Manchester property will amount to £l0,000; if you had come to Manchester in '16 when Johnson took the management it would have been £10,000 by this time." (106)

John Morton appears not to have comprehended the gravity of Hedderwick's illness, even though he remarked in the same letter that he was glad he was to get a horse: "you ought to have had one long ago." Its acquisition now must have been a necessity for Hedderwick.

Confinement to his home for the winter months was now automatic, and the decline continued. In 1840 John Morton wrote

"I am sorry to hear from Catherine's letter and Mr Stewart's that you are so poorly. I hope you will soon be able to get about. Would John or Thomas [his sons] be of any use to you, if so I would send one of them immediately." (107)

Two months later, shortly after the death of Lord Ducie, Hedderwick removed to Matlock to take the waters, and in October stayed at Woodchester en route for Cheltenham where he intended to winter. Unfortunately these remedies came far too late, and Robert Hedderwick died in January, 1841. Funeral expenses were paid by the new Lord Ducie, and the widow received an annual pension of £50.